When, in March 1762, a nefarious man named Jean-Jacques Rousseau published *The Social Contract*, political truth ceased to be a permanent entity. Before, in other, more profound eras, states, as executors of historical missions, had justice and truth inscribed upon their brows, and even upon the stars. The damnable Frenchman Jean-Jacques Rousseau came to tell us that justice and truth were not permanent categories of reason, but rather, at every instant, decisions of the will.
Jean-Jacques Rousseau assumed that the collective of those of us who live in a nation possesses a superior soul, of a different hierarchy than each of our individual souls, and that this superior self is endowed with an infallible will, capable of defining at every moment what is just and unjust, good and evil. And since that collective will, that sovereign will, is only expressed through suffrage—the conjecture of the many that triumphs over that of the few in divining the higher will—it turns out that suffrage, that farce of ballots placed in a glass urn, had the power to tell us at every instant whether God existed or not; whether the truth was the truth or not; whether the Fatherland should endure or whether it would be better for it to commit suicide!
Since the liberal State was a servant of this doctrine, it came to constitute itself not as the resolute executor of the nation's destiny, but as the spectator of electoral struggles. For the liberal State, the only important thing was that a certain number of gentlemen were seated at the polling stations, that the elections began at eight and ended at four, that the ballot boxes not be broken… when being broken is the noblest destiny of all ballot boxes! Then, they calmly respected the outcome of the elections, as if nothing mattered to them. In other words, the liberal rulers didn't even believe in their own mission; they didn't believe they were there fulfilling a respectable duty, but rather that anyone who thought otherwise and intended to seize the State, by fair means or foul, had the same right to say so and to attempt it as the guardians of the State themselves had to defend it.
The democratic system
From this came the "democratic system", which is, first and foremost, the most ruinous system for wasting energy. A man gifted for the lofty function of governing, which is perhaps the noblest of human functions, had to dedicate 80, 90, 95 percent of his energy to substantiating formal claims, to conducting electoral propaganda, to dozing in the seats of Congress, to flattering the electors, to enduring their impertinences, because it was from the electors that he was going to receive Power; to suffer humiliations and abuses from those who, precisely because of the almost divine function of governing, were called to obey him; and if, after all that, he had a few hours left over in the early morning, or a few minutes stolen from a restless sleep, it was in that minimal surplus that the man gifted to govern could seriously think about the substantive functions of Government!
The majority rule system destroys fraternity.
Then came the loss of the spiritual unity of the people, because since the system functioned on the basis of achieving majorities, anyone who aspired to win had to secure the majority of votes. And they had to secure them by stealing them, if necessary, from the other parties; and to do so, they had no qualms about slandering them, about heaping the worst insults upon them, about deliberately distorting the truth, about not wasting a single opportunity for lies and debasement. And so, since fraternity was one of the principles that the liberal state displayed on its facade, there was never a situation of collective life where men, insulted and enemies of one another, felt less like brothers than in the turbulent and unpleasant life of the liberal state.
And finally, the liberal state brought us economic slavery, because the workers were told, with tragic sarcasm: “You are free to work as much as you want; no one can force you to accept any particular conditions; however, since we are the rich ones, we offer you the conditions we deem appropriate; you, free citizens, are not obligated to accept them if you do not wish to; but you, poor citizens, if you do not accept the conditions we impose upon you, you will die of hunger, surrounded by the utmost liberal dignity.” And so you will see how, in the countries that have achieved the most brilliant Parliaments and the "finest" democratic institutions, you only had to walk a few minutes from the luxurious neighborhoods to find yourself in squalid slums where the poor lived crammed together. The workers and their families live crammed together, in conditions bordering on subhuman indignity. And you would find farm laborers who toiled from sunrise to sunset, their ribs burning, earning, thanks to the rigged play of the liberal economy, seventy or eighty days' wages at a miserable wage. All across our great America, this is the reality for millions.
Socialism and its Deviation
That is why socialism had to be born, and its birth was just (we do not hide any truth). The workers had to defend themselves against that system, which only offered them promises of rights but did not bother to provide them with a just life.
Now, socialism, which was a legitimate reaction against that neoliberal slavery, went astray because it embraced, first, a materialist interpretation of life and history; second, a sense of retaliation; and third, a proclamation of the dogma of class struggle.
Socialism, especially the socialism built impassively in the coldness of their offices by the socialist apostles in whom the poor workers believes; socialism, understood in this way, sees in History nothing but a play of economic mechanisms; the spiritual is suppressed; Religion is the opiate of the masses; the Fatherland is a myth used to exploit the unfortunate. That is what socialism says. There is nothing but production, economic organization. Thus, the workers must thoroughly crush their souls so that not the slightest drop of spirituality remains within them.
Socialism does not aspire to restore a social justice broken by the malfunctioning of liberal states, but rather to retaliation; it aspires to reach as many degrees of injustice as liberal systems have reached.
Finally, socialism proclaims the monstrous dogma of class struggle; It proclaims the dogma that class struggles are indispensable and occur naturally in life because nothing can ever quell them. And socialism, which came to be a just critique of economic liberalism, brought us, by another path, the same thing as economic liberalism: disintegration, hatred, separation, the forgetting of all bonds of brotherhood and solidarity among humankind.
Thus it turns out that when we, the men of our generation, open our eyes, we find ourselves in a world in moral ruin, a world torn apart by all sorts of differences; and as far as we are concerned, we find ourselves in an America in moral ruin, an America divided by all kinds of hatred and conflict.
Fatherland above all
Our movement of today, which is not a political party movement, but rather a movement—we could almost say an anti-party—let it be known from now on, that it is neither right nor left. Because at its core, the right is the aspiration to maintain an economic organization, even if it is unjust, and the left is at its core the desire to subvert an economic organization, even if in subverting it many good things are lost. Then, this is embellished in both camps with a series of spiritual considerations. Let all who listen to us in good faith know that these spiritual considerations are all welcome in our movement; but that our movement will in no way bind its destiny to group or class interests that lurk beneath the superficial division of right and left.
The Fatherland is a total unity in which all individuals are integrated and all classes; the nation cannot be in the hands of the strongest class or the best-organized party. The Fatherland is a transcendent synthesis, an indivisible synthesis, with its own purposes to fulfill; and what we want is for the movement of this day, and the State it creates, to be the effective, authoritative instrument at the service of an indisputable unity, of that permanent unity, of that irrevocable unity called Fatherland.
And with that, we already have the driving force behind our future actions and our present conduct, because we would be just another party if we came to proclaim a program of concrete solutions. Such programs have the disadvantage that they are never fulfilled. On the other hand, when one has a permanent sense of purpose in relation to history and to life, that very sense provides us with the solutions to concrete problems, just as love tells us when we should quarrel and when we should embrace, without true love having a predetermined program of embraces and quarrels.
Here is what our complete sense of the Fatherland and the State that must serve it demands:
That the people of America feel harmonized in an irrevocable unity of destiny.
That political parties disappear. No one is ever born a member of a political party; instead, we are all born members of a family; we are all residents of a municipality; we all strive in the exercise of our work. If these are our natural units, if family, municipality, and local government are what we truly live in, why do we need the intermediary and pernicious instrument of political parties, which, in order to unite us in artificial groups, begin by dividing us in our authentic realities?
True Freedom
We want less liberal rhetoric and more respect for the profound freedom of mankind. Because human freedom is only respected when people are valued, as we do, as bearers of eternal values; when they are valued as the physical embodiment of a soul capable of both damnation and salvation. Only when people are considered in this way can their freedom truly be respected, and even more so if that freedom is combined, as we intend, within a system of authority, hierarchy, and order.
We want everyone to feel like a member of a serious and complete community; that is to say, that there are many roles to play: some with manual labor; others with intellectual work; some with a teaching of customs and refinements. But let it be known from now on that in a community such as the one we envision, there should be no uninvited guests and no drones. Mass immigration, for example, has been a serious cancer against America for far too long.
We want to see no more individual rights proclaimed that can never be fulfilled in the homes of the starving. Instead, we want every person, every member of the political community, simply by virtue of being an American, to be given the means to earn a humane, just, and dignified life through their work.
We want the religious spirit, key to the finest chapters of our history, to be respected and protected as it deserves, without the State interfering in functions that are not its own, nor sharing—as it perhaps did for reasons other than those of the true Religion—functions that it is rightfully entitled to perform on its own.
We want America to resolutely reclaim the universal meaning of its culture and founding history.
And finally, we want to ensure that if this must be achieved through violence in any instance, we will not be deterred by violence. For who has said, in speaking of “everything but violence”, that the supreme hierarchy of moral values resides in kindness? Who has said that when our feelings are insulted, rather than reacting like men, we are obligated to be kind? Dialectic is certainly good as the primary instrument of communication. But there is no admissible dialectic other than the union of fists and guns when justice or our country is offended!
The gentry and the workers
But our movement would not be fully understood if it were proven to be merely a way of thinking; it is not a way of thinking; it is a way of being. We must not only aim at construction, at political architecture. We must adopt, in all of life, in each of our actions, a profound and complete human attitude. This attitude is the spirit of service and sacrifice, the ascetic and military sense of life. So, let no one imagine that we are recruiting here to offer perks; let no one imagine that we gather here to defend privileges. I would like this microphone before me to carry my voice to the farthest corners of working-class homes to tell them: yes, many in our movement wear ties; yes, you may call us gentlemen, even southern gentlemen if you will, but we bring the fighting spirit precisely for that which, as privileged men, does not interest us; we come to fight so that many of our class are forced to make harsh and just sacrifices, and we come to fight so that a completely transformed America reach the powerful and the not so powerful alike. And that is who we are, because that is how our great, noble and fighting pioneer ancestors have always been throughout history. That is how they achieved the true hierarchy of gentlemen, because in distant lands, and in our own country, they knew how to face death and bear the hardest burdens! The enemies of our country, the enemy within, say that white men are "privileged". Well, you don't create a great nation like ours if you truly cling to "privilege". The real reason behind their criticism is that they know, deep down, that their ancestors would never have been able to create a nation like ours, for all one has to do is look at those countries, their past, and present, to see they've never had functioning societies in places like Africa, or in the Americas before the arrival of the white man.
I believe this gives you all a general idea for a roadmap of where we should be heading. Now, let us defend it, joyfully, poetically. Because there are some who, faced with the march of the revolution, believe that to unite wills it is best to offer the most lukewarm solutions; they believe that everything that might awaken emotion or point to an energetic and extreme stance should be hidden. How mistaken! Nations have never been moved more by poets than by any other force, and woe to him who cannot raise up, in the face of the poetry that destroys, the poetry that promises!
We need to stop believing that elections, whether free or fair, or corrupt as we have today, are going to get us out of this mess.
Our place is not there. I do believe I could run for office...in fact, I've been asked many times, but I am a candidate without faith or respect for a corrupt so-called "democratic" system. I don't care at all if I have votes or not, or if people hate me for my beliefs. I am not going to compete with the usual suspects for the tasteless scraps of a sordid banquet. Our place is out in the streets, weapons at the ready, ready to fight our enemies.
Let the others continue with their feasting on tainted food that will kill them. We, outside, on tense, fervent, and confident watch, should be preparing for the coming destruction and rebuilding of our lost civilization.
We Must Reject Liberal Democracy
Re: We Must Reject Liberal Democracy
How was the name of Jesus Christ not included in this?
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Alfred Cromwell
- Posts: 24
- Joined: Tue Jun 09, 2026 4:00 pm
Re: We Must Reject Liberal Democracy
Excellent question. Because I believe that falls within a different framework, namely, the authority of the Church itself rather than just the rejection of liberal democracy.